عمرو علي.. الفلسفة أم العلوم.. وأحاديث المقاهي و”أجنحة إيكاروس” جزء من تبسيطها

وُلد “علي” في الإسكندرية.. ونشأ في أبعد مدينة على وجه الأرض.. وأدمن الترحال بين برلين والدار البيضاء والقاهرة مؤمنًا بأهمية توصيل الفلسفة إلى عموم الجمهور

The writer Hany Zaied at the Scientific American magazine (Arabic edition) interviewed me through a photo essay on my academic life and how the tyranny of distance (Australia to Egypt) shapes one’s work, the role of bridging academia with the public, readapting sociology and philosophy into local contexts, why humanities and the liberal arts need to be made easily accessible to the public and made compulsory on the university level in the Arab world, and the importance of spaces and platforms such as AGYA, AUC, and FU. As well as why cities like Alexandria, Berlin, and Casablanca inform my activities.

عمرو علي عالِم الاجتماع في جامعة برلين الحرة وعضو الأكاديمية العربية الألمانية للباحثين الشباب في العلوم والإنسانيات Credit: Amro Ali

تحكي الأسطورة اليونانية القديمة قصة “إيكاروس”، الذي احتجزه ملك جزيرة “كريت” –ومعه والده- في متاهة لم ينجحا في الهرب منها إلا بعد الاستعانة بأجنحة ثبَّتاها على جسديهما بالشمع، لكن “إيكاروس” –المستمتع بلذة تحدِّي قوانين البشر والطبيعة- رفض نصيحة والده بالابتعاد عن الشمس التي أذابت الشمع وجعلته يسقط صريعًا.

ظن “إيكاروس” نفسه إلهًا، متناسيًا وجود حدود فاصلة لا يمكن تخطِّيها بين البشر والإله! فالشمس التي اقترب منها تمثل الحقيقة والمعرفة، والاقتراب منها يحتاج إلى سؤال النفس عن عواقب الاقتراب من لهيبها، فهل يمكن أن تتحول أسطورة “إيكاروس” إلى مدخل لتبسيط الفلسفة؟ وهل يمكن أن تتحول صورة قديمة لامرأة في المحطة تنتظر القطار إلى مدخل لفهم الفلسفة؟

تلك الأسئلة وغيرها –على بساطتها- اختارها الدكتور عمرو علي -عالِم الاجتماع، وعضو الأكاديمية العربية الألمانية للباحثين الشباب في العلوم والإنسانيات، والزميل الزائر في برنامج “أوروبا في الشرق الأوسط- الشرق الأوسط في أوروبا” في منتدى الدراسات العابرة للأقطار في برلين- مدخلًا لتقديم الفلسفة وعلم الاجتماع للجمهور العربي بطريقة عملية ومفهومة.

يشبه “علي” علم الاجتماع بنظارة شمسية توفر الظل الذي يكشف تدرجات الموضوع الفلسفي وتلاوينه

نال “علي” درجة الدكتوراة من جامعة سيدني الأسترالية، وتناولت أطروحته دور الخيال التاريخي وتبدُّل الفضاءات العامة في الإسكندرية من خلال أعمال “حنة أرندت” و”فاتسلاف هافيل” الفلسفية، وحصل على درجة الماجستير في الآداب في دراسات الشرق الأوسط وآسيا الوسطى، ثم درجة الماجستير في الدبلوماسية من الجامعة الوطنية الأسترالية في عام 2009، وهو باحث في جامعة برلين الحرة التي تُصنف ضمن أفضل 10 جامعات ألمانية بشكل عام، وتتمتع بنقاط قوة خاصة في الفنون والعلوم الإنسانية والاجتماعية على مستوى العالم، ويعكف حاليًّا على إعداد كتابين أحدهما عن الإسكندرية والآخر عن برلين خلال إقامته القصيرة بمدينة الدار البيضاء المغربية.

يؤكد “علي” ضرورة الارتقاء بالعلوم الاجتماعية والإنسانية والفنون في المجتمعات العربية

شمس الفلسفة

يشاكس “علي” عقول مستمعيه وقلوبهم في ندواته وورشه بأسئلة مثل: كيف للخيالات والأفكار والأشخاص والجماليات التاريخية أن تعيد التفاوض بشأن علاقة المواطن بالمدينة؟ وكيف يمكن للموضوعات الفلسفية الارتقاء بفهم المرء للفضاءات المألوفة مثل الأحياء والمقاهي؟

يؤمن “علي” بأهمية العلاقة بين الفلسفة وعلم الاجتماع، مضيفًا في تصريحات لـ”للعلم”: الفلسفة تشبه الشمس المستعرة، في حين يشبه علم الاجتماع “النظارة الشمسية” التي توفر الظل الذي يحجب تلك الشمس قليلًا، ويكشف تدرجات الموضوع الفلسفي وتلاوينه ونبراته ونغماته وحدوده بما يساعد على نقل الأفكار إلى الآخرين، ربما بدا الأمر صعبًا، لكن حين يتحول عبوس الحاضرين في النهاية إلى ابتسام هنا تكون المكافأة.

اعتاد “علي” المشاركة في مشروع التحرير لاونج جوته بمصاحبة مؤسِّسة المشروع ومديرته “منى شاهين” في الفترة منذ 2017 وحتى 2018، تم تنفيذ المشروع في محافظات القاهرة والإسكندرية والمنيا، واستهدف تقديم الفلسفة وعلم الاجتماع للجمهور المصري بطريقة عملية ومفهومة.

إحدى ندوات “علي” ضمن مشروع التحرير لاونج جوته بمصاحبة مؤسِّسة المشروع منى شاهين

تُعرِّف منظمة “اليونسكو” الفلسفة -والتي تعني “حب الحكمة”- بأنها “ممارسة يومية من شأنها أن تُحدِث تحولًا في المجتمعات، وأن تحث على إقامة حوار الثقافات واستكشاف تنوع التيارات الفكرية، وبناء مجتمعات قائمة على التسامح والاحترام وإعمال الفكر ومناقشة الآراء بعقلانية، وخلق ظروف فكرية لتحقيق التغيير والتنمية المستدامة وإحلال السلام”.

الفلسفة والحياة

ربما دفعت تلك الهالة “علي” باتجاه دراسة الفلسفة والسعي إلى تبسيطها، مضيفًا: تَولَّد لديَّ اهتمام بالفلسفة في وقت مبكر من حياتي، وفي عام 2013 زاد اهتمامي بدراسة الفلسفة، قبل ذلك كنت أهتم أكثر بالعلاقات الدولية والسياسة وعلم الاجتماع، في ذلك التوقيت حدثت تغيرات كثيرة في مصر والشرق الأوسط، وهي تغيرات احتاجت إلى دراسة أكثر عمقًا لقراءة المشهد، ووجدت أن الفلسفة يمكنها تقديم صورة أكثر عمقًا ووضوحًا مما يبدو على السطح، في ذلك الوقت تعرفت على “حمزة يوسف”، الذي ينظم محاضرات دينية لا تخلو من الفلسفة في الولايات المتحدة الأمريكية، علمني “يوسف” أن الفلسفة يمكنها أن تساعد في تقديم صورة أوضح للقضايا الدينية.

يقول “علي”: لطالما كنت مهتمًّا بالدمج بين حقل علم الاجتماع وأفكار الفلسفة للخروج بنمط معين لمناقشة الفلسفة وفق السياقات المصرية والعربية، أحببت الفلسفة لأنها تقوم على طرح الأسئلة دون فرض حلول، ومحاولة فهم تطورات الأمور، وهذا كان مهمًّا جدًّا بالنسبة لي، أقول دائمًا في محاضراتي إنك “لو لم تُفلسف، سيكون هناك شخص آخر يُفلسف لك”، الفلسفة مرتبطة بالحياة، لو جلست في مقهى، وشاهدت أشخاصًا يشاهدون مباراةً لكرة القدم وهم يصيحون، بينما يطالبهم شخصٌ آخر بالهدوء، فإنهم يردون عليه بأنهم يريدون مشاهدة المباراة، هذه هي “الفلسفة النفعية“، وإذا أخبرك شخصٌ بأنه سيذهب إلى الساحل الشمالي للاستمتاع بوقته، فإن هذا التصرف يدخل في نطاق “فلسفة المتعة”، الفلسفة مرتبطة بكل شيء نفعله حتى لو بدا هذا الشيء غير مرتبط بالفلسفة.

حواجز الخوف

يقول “ابن رشد”: يؤدي الجهل إلى الخوف، ويؤدي الخوف إلى الكراهية، وتؤدي الكراهية إلى العنف، وهذه هي المعادلة.

ربما صنعت مقولة “ابن رشد” أحلام “علي” ودفعته إلى كسر حواجز الجهل والخوف والكراهية والعنف عن طريق تبسيط قوانين الفلسفسة، مضيفًا: يجب توصيل الفلسفة للعرب والمصريين بأمثلة تتفق مع ثقافتهم، وحتى داخل الوطن الواحد يجب أن ننوع الأمثلة، بحيث نختار أمثلةً تتفق مع الطبيعة الأسوانية إذا كنا نتحدث إلى أشخاص من أسوان، وأن ننتقي أمثلةً سكندرية إذا كنا نخاطب أناسًا من الإسكندرية.

حنين إلى الإسكندرية

يؤكد “علي” أن الأسرة أدت دورًا كبيرًا في دفعه باتجاه الاهتمام بالعلوم في وقتٍ مبكر من حياته، مضيفًا: وُلدت في الإسكندرية، لكنني نشأت في أستراليا، لم يكن والدي معتادًا على القراءة، لكنه أراد تعويض ذلك من خلالي، كان والدي يشتري كتبًا باللغة الإنجليزية من أجل تشجيعي على القراءة، أحببت النظر إلى الخرائط، كنت أنظر إلى الخريطة وأبحث عن مصر وأتعجب من المسافة الكبيرة بين مصر وأستراليا، كنت أعيش في مدينة “بيرث” في غرب أستراليا، وهي مدينةٌ تُعرف بأنها “أبعد مدينة في العالم”، كنت أحلم بالعودة إلى مصر، من هنا بدأت أنظر إلى التعليم باعتباره وسيلةً للسفر ورؤية العالم.

يؤمن “علي” بأن الإسكندرية تمثل حلمًا وخيالًا لكل شخص بدايةً من مؤسسها الإسكندر الأكبر

ويضيف: لم أنسَ لحظةً أنني وُلدت في الإسكندرية، كنت أحرص على قراءة –ولو أشياء بسيطة- عنها، آمنت بأن الإسكندرية هي منبع الثقافة، يكفي أنها كانت مكانًا لمكتبة الإسكندرية القديمة التي احترقت في عام 48 قبل الميلاد، ميلادي في الإسكندرية خلق لديَّ شغفًا بالعلوم والتعليم، أؤمن بأن الإسكندرية تمثل حلمًا وخيالًا لكل شخص بدايةً من مؤسسها الإسكندر الأكبر ومرورًا بـ”ابن بطوطة” وغيره من الرحالة العرب الذين مروا عليها، هناك إحساس في مخيلة هؤلاء جميعًا بأن الإسكندرية تمثل المدينة الفاضلة، لا أحد يتحدث عن الإسكندرية بواقعية، ولكنهم يتحدثون دائمًا عنها بقدرٍ من الخيال.

جذبت “علي” أعمال “حنة أرندت” بعدما لفت انتباهه إليها المشرف على رسالته للدكتوراة، وتحديدًا كتابها “الحالة الإنسانية” (The Human Condition)، الذي أدى دورًا بارزًا في رحلة تطوره الفكري، مثلما أثرت فيه بشدة كتابات الدكتور إدوارد سعيد، أستاذ الأدب المقارن في جامعة كولومبيا الأمريكية.

الفلسفة والدين

يؤمن “علي” بأن الفلسفة ليست ضد الدين، مضيفًا في تصريحاته لـ”للعلم”: ترتبط الفلسفة ارتباطًا وثيقًا بالدين والرياضيات والعلوم الطبيعية والتعليم والسياسة، وهي أم العلوم، ولا تعارُض بين أفكار الفيلسوف وتأملاته العقلية وعقيدته الدينية، لطالما سعيت إلى تبديد أسطورة أن الفلسفة تعارض الدين، وساعدني في ذلك الإشارة إلى أن شخصيات مسلمة مثل “الفارابي” و”ابن رشد” و”ابن سينا” كانوا فلاسفة، وحتى أبو حامد الغزالي، الذي يرى البعض أنه كان ضد الفلسفة، أتعامل معه باعتباره فيلسوفًا وأنه كان ضد جزء من الفلسفة كان موجودًا في عصره، وهناك أيضًا القديس أوغسطينوس، هناك -بطبيعة الحال- فلاسفة ملحدون، لكن هناك أيضًا فلاسفة متدينين على اختلاف دياناتهم السماوية.

الارتقاء بالعلوم الاجتماعية

يقول “علي”: نحتاج إلى الارتقاء بالعلوم الاجتماعية والإنسانية والفنون في المجتمعات العربية، لو كنت تجلس على مقهى في مصر وسألك أحد عن مهنتك، وقلت له إنك طبيب أو مهندس فسيتعامل معك باحترام، لكن لو أخبرته بأنك متخصص في الفلسفة أو علم الاجتماع أو التاريخ أو الفنون الجميلة، فسيتعامل معك باستغراب، وربما سألك عن سر اختيارك لتلك التخصصات التي لن تساعدك على تأسيس حياتك، تلك القاعدة تحتاج إلى تغيير، من الصعب أن تكون كلية الحقوق في أستراليا والولايات المتحدة الأمريكية كلية قمة بينما يحدث العكس تمامًا في مصر بالرغم من أن زعماء الحركة التاريخية المهتمين بمستقبل مصر -مثل مصطفى كامل ومحمد فريد وسعد زغلول- كانوا من خريجي الحقوق، أعرف أن الحقوق ليست من الآداب، لكن يجب تدريس العلوم الاجتماعية إجباريًّا في كل الجامعات كما هو الحال في العديد من الجامعات الغربية.

يوضح “علي” أن الفلسفة يمكنها تقديم صورة أكثر عمقًا ووضوحًا مما يبدو على السطح

ويضيف: تأثرت جدًّا بقصة قائد كشافة حضر إحدى ورش “مشروع التحرير لاونج– جوته”، التي كانت تُعقد تحت عنوان “مسرح الفكر”، قال هذا الكشاف إنه تمنَّى لو أحضر معه شابًّا في التاسعة عشرة من عمره لحضور هذه الفعاليات، وردت “منى شاهين” بأنه يمكنه إحضاره في الجلسة التالية، فأجاب قائد الكشافة بأن هذا لم يعد ممكنًا؛ لأنه كان يجلس مع هذا الشاب، الذي كان يستعد للالتحاق بكلية الهندسة، في مقهى بالقاهرة، وفي أثناء حديثهما، سمعهما النادل الذي يقدم القهوة وقال إنه خريج كلية الهندسة، أُصيب الشاب بالرعب من أن مستقبله قد ينتهي بتقديم القهوة بعد إنهاء دراسته الهندسية، وبعد يومين انتحر الشاب، يجب أن نتعلم أن كل مهنة لها كرامة.

Bringing Philosophy and Sociology to the Egyptian Public

I wrote a brief essay for the Forum Transregionale Studien on the techniques I undertook to teach sociology and philosophy to the Egyptian public and to elevate the agency of the audience members.

تجد/ين هنا النسخة العربية لهذا النص.

An enthusiastic Egyptian youth exited the closing of a lecture event in late November 2017 and rushed to a coffeehouse near Tahrir Square to meet up with his friends. He told them about this woman thinker called ‘Hannah Arendt’ who he just learned about and her peculiar idea of ‘new beginnings.’ Several nearby curious patrons overheard the chatter and enquired about the philosopher. The social circle widened, and the youth continued discussing the lecture that he had just attended. It would see some of the patrons coming to the next lecture session on Walter Benjamin’s loss of aura concept.

The youth had attended the first event in a long series of lectures and workshops (2017–2018) that I co-ran with Mona Shahien, the director of Tahrir Lounge Goethe, in Cairo, Alexandria and Minya, mostly in Arabic and some in English, that aimed to introduce philosophy and sociology to the Egyptian public in a comprehensible and practical way. I want to focus on the audience participant as an agent and I will outline, albeit not exhaustively, how the public teaching of sociology and philosophy can be merged with a certain structure, approach and content that elevates the agency of audiences. The project consisted of ten lectures; a workshop on Benjamin’s storytelling and aura, Arendt’s Vita Activa and Vita Contemplativa, and a theater play. I will focus mainly on the lectures as they were the primary thrust of the project and hold promise for academics, intellectuals and practitioners who seek to convey the ideas of the academy to the public.

Amro Ali at the “Animating Spaces of Meaning” event (10 April 2018). © Tahrir Lounge Goethe Institute Cairo.

The Theatre of Thought (not a theater as such but lectures) manifesto could be summed up as:

the public should be recognised, and elevated, as the primary ideal, and the individual’s present difficulties in experiencing or attaining pluralism and civic responsibility is tied to the city’s loss of meaning and the citizen’s alienation from one another. The development of philosophical thinking can help address this malaise.[1]

The project explored the notion of restoring the individual’s dignity and agency by ‘recalibrating’ them both to relate to the city. It raised the following questions: How can historical imaginaries, ideas, persons, sensibilities and aesthetics work their way into renegotiating the citizen’s relationship to the city? How can a crippling nostalgia be appropriated for a forward-looking civic vision? How do philosophical themes make one understand the familiar spaces, such as neighborhoods and coffeehouses, better? How can individuals and groups endow their urban terrain with a clearer identity and a relatively better coherent narrative? Does self-expression disguise a different set of established rules and practices in which nonconformity begins to look quite similar? How do we reconcile the digital order with the terrestrial order? What are the implications of perceiving the other, in terms of trustworthiness and reliability, when they are dissolved in a digital swarm?

Poster for the “Ambiguous Promises and the Fragmentation of Responsibility” event (1 November 2018) that probed into what becomes of the idea of responsibility when today’s digital communications are perilously thrusting the individual into a world of arbitrariness, nonbinding obligations and short-term gains. © Tahrir Lounge Goethe Institute Cairo.
Amro Ali and Mona Shahien, “The Creative Public: How New Publics Are Born.” An event (5 December 2017) that drew from the ideas of Václav Havel and Gilles Deleuze to examine how publics are summoned into being through intellectuals, musicians, artists, books, proclamations and events. © Tahrir Lounge Goethe Institute Cairo.

It has been my long-running interest to merge the field of sociology and the ideas of philosophy to produce a particular type of discussion for Egyptian and Arab contexts. One way to do this was to approach an underdeveloped subdiscipline: Sociological philosophy. The American sociologist Randal Collins describes and validates this area as such: “[N]ormative self-reflection is a fundamental aspect of sociology’s scientific tasks because key sociological questions are, in the last instance, also philosophical ones” and “[i]f knowledge (or discourse in general) is social, then sociology should be in the most important position to reflect on the nature of philosophy as a form of knowledge or discourse.”[2] To put it another way, philosophy on its own is akin to the blazing sun, while sociology lends the shades that slightly obscure but reveal hues, tints, tones, tinges and contours of the philosophical subject. Philosophy in its ‘purest’ essence can be at high risk of handicapping itself from conveying ideas, making dense texts inaccessible and driving away readers and listeners.

Engaging Agency

Why would a university student in Assuit take the five-hour train journey specifically for an event in Cairo and return the same night? How do we end up with a peculiar scene of an Azhari scholar seated next to a worker from a jeans factory? The why question is critical to make sense of agency and what motivates people to come to an event mostly out of their domain of studies or usual interests. The answers to these questions were helped by the post-lecture conversations and the efficient feedback mechanism instituted by the Tahir Lounge Goethe. Part of the reason why the events could attract audiences was due to Shahien strongly believing in the project’s endeavor, prioritizing it, and putting resources into organization, promotion, and translation. In Cairo’s case, it was also helped by the venue, the Goethe Institute, being central and easy to reach by metro. Moreover, like all cultural spaces, there is often a significant number of returning audience members. However, there were overlapping and distinct factors that need further explanation.

“Thinking in the Swarm: When Awareness and Knowledge Succumb to the Information Deluge,” the final event in Alexandria (22 November 2018) that explored how digital technology bulldozes the principles of thinking: Discernment, discrimination, selection and even forgetfulness. © Tahrir Lounge Goethe Institute Cairo.

The motives included many attendees seeking, to an extent, to compensate for a dysfunctional education system. For a number of young women from conservative families, the evening events were a way to justify their absence from home to gain extracurricular educational value. It was often some sort of dissatisfaction with the status quo as a sufficient underlying motive for going to these types of events. A number of audience faces at the start of the session revealed a weary gloom as if they had stepped out of the trenches of the suffocated public sphere. They did. The facial expressions are what one would expect after a two-hour long-winded session. Ironically, in many instances, it was the reverse in these events. Where frowns can also eventually turn to smiles. These places have become, in some sense, the last spaces of refuge from a public sphere that is increasingly criminalizing independent thought and non-officially sanctioned culture.

The “Animating Spaces of Meaning” event (26 April 2018) at the Jesuit Cultural Centre, Minya. © Tahrir Lounge Goethe Institute Cairo.

The audience participant’s voice and disclosure of identity was essential to their agency; the lecture often allowed a rolling conversation as the presentation unfolded. It was important to create sufficient breaks and meetings after the session, actively introduce members of the audience to each other and ask for their names. What may seem as banal or routine in any lecture event was often a profound experience for many of them. Some had never been in a situation at university in which their ideas were solicited or allowed to challenge the instructor. This was not unique to the project, but it did emphasize the importance of building a small community out of the sessions. The other approach to agency involved throwing down a challenge. Instead of me simply giving book recommendations, I asked them to head to the used book markets in Cairo’s Azbakeya or Alexandria’s Nabi Daniel street to engage with the books that seize their interest. Many did so. For some, reading a book after graduating from university was unheard of unless it was for work purposes.

The event always started with a powerful relatable metaphor. It would be the spearhead that set the tone for the lecture. Metaphors included, for example, the legend of Icarus, the Flying Dutchman and a vintage photo of a woman at the station waiting for the train. The metaphor when employed compellingly enabled the audience to project themselves onto the unfolding narrative of the night and add depth to the dizziness of their alienation, review their perception of social problems and kindle a reconstruction of imagination capacities needed for thinking through social and moral quagmires. It also helps to focus on the philosopher’s topic rather than the philosopher to avoid the problem of mini cults growing around the respective philosopher. This is why the philosopher’s name was not included in the lecture titles.

One of the hurdles can, at times, be dispelling the myth that philosophy is opposed to religion. This often needed to be discussed from the outset, and it helped by pointing out that Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali and Augustine of Hippo, among many others, were philosophers. A Muslim woman in a hijab in Minya said to me during the lecture break, “I had always feared philosophy as I felt it was atheist-driven, but I came to it through Kierkegaard because he was Christian.” This was interesting although not unusual. The religiosity of the philosopher or books that show a substantial overlap with faith made audiences highly engaged. Starting off with Arendt’s idea of forgiveness and briefly referencing Islamic and Christian texts on forgiveness, for example, helped to give the philosophical conversation a holistic formation and relatable intimacy without losing sight of the ongoing discussion.

“Animating Spaces of Meaning” poster. © Tahrir Lounge Goethe Institute Cairo.

Conclusion

This paper briefly examined the conditions and method of bringing sociological-philosophy to the Egyptian public, as well as the role of agency that engages audiences. I hope in future to expand comprehensively on the concept and look at class, social strata, generations, audience dynamics, content delivery, translation and the project’s successes and setbacks, among other factors.

Following the closing of the “Creative Public” session in 2017, a boy scout leader from the audience approached Shahien and said he wished he brought a 19-year-old boy scout he knew to these events. Shahien replied that he can bring him to the next session. The elder replied this was no longer possible as he had recently met the youth at a Cairo coffeehouse to discuss his future that would see him enter the college of engineering. During the chat, the waiter serving the coffee overheard them and stated that he himself had recently graduated from engineering. The prospective student was struck with horror that this could also be his future – serving coffee after completing some four hard years of engineering studies. Two days later, he committed suicide.

This tragic incident would shape successive events. Animating Spaces of Meaning sought responses to the rise of mediocrity and fragmentation of meaning that have become a familiar part of everyday urban life. It also elucidated that all study disciplines, professions and workplaces of all stripes can have their dignity, respect and even charm. Engineering and medicine should not be the only attainable routes to powered social mobility; the social sciences, arts and humanities, and any other stigmatized disciplines, for that matter, need to be elevated into highly respected areas of study. Conveying the sociological-philosophy lessons also means keeping a pulse on the lives and stories that the public brings to the sessions and then responding and shaping the following session accordingly. In some respects, it echoes Hannah Arendt’s personal axiom that “thought itself arises out of incidents of living experience and must remain bound to them as the only guideposts by which to take its bearings.”[3]


[1] Amro Ali, “When the Debris of Paradise Calls,” Amro Ali, 15 December 2017, https://amroali.com/2017/12/debris-paradise-calls-philosophical-concept-play/ [accessed 15 February 2021].

[2] Collins, Randall, “For a Sociological Philosophy,” Theory and Society 17/5, 1988, 669-702, 671. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00162615.

[3] Hannah Arendt, Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises in Political Thought, Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977, 14.



This project is part of the activities of the Arab-German Young Academy of Sciences and Humanities (AGYA). The introduction to this blog series by Nuha Alshaar, Beate La Sala, Jenny Oesterle and Barbara Winckler can be found here.


Citation: Amro Ali, Bringing Philosophy and Sociology to the Egyptian Public, in: TRAFO – Blog for Transregional Research, 15.04.2021, http://trafo.hypotheses.org/28053

An Enquiry into the Destruction of the Beautiful

The philosophy talk and conversation will examine the forces behind the degrading of aesthetics and the normalization of mediocrity in everyday life. 

This event is not so much about urban studies and public space as it is about delving into the toxins of modernity and its relationship to the human condition under assault. It will explore themes of shapelessness, powerlessness, meaninglessness, responsibility, alienation and asks, above all, what is ugly? Questions will be raised to help absorb the nature of the problem, and how do people refuse this malaise? The session will introduce concepts from the writings of Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, Ibn Rushd, Edmund Burke, Friedrich Nietzsche, Hannah Arendt, Walter Benjamin, and Václav Havel. 

The event will primarily be in English, however, an Arabic session will be followed up in the next month. 

Venue: French Cultural Institute Alexandria (L’institut Francais D’Egypte A Alexandrie)
Date: 7 October 2017
Time: 7.30pm 
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The insecurity of a security state: What can Hannah Arendt tell us about Egypt?

My larticle on understanding the Egyptian political situation through the works of Hannah Arendt. Published in Politics in Spires

Hannah Arendt
In Egypt, it is clear that constructive results are not going to materialise anytime soon. Increasing state violence, arrests and intimidation have no clear logic beyond an attempt by the security apparatus to regain power and tighten control over the economy. It is an outworn order that risks collapsing.


The insecurity of security

While the regime does have a serious security issue on its hands, namely the Sinai-based terrorism that has now spread to Cairo, the regime is increasingly blurring the lines between terrorism and anyone who opposes the official line. Labelling the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organisation, outlawing anti-regime protests, cracking down on NGOs and the clampdown against anti-regime activists and journalists are indications that the security state is disintegrating. The regime is carrying out violent measures against Islamists and youth – two major groups that cannot afford to be alienated – signalling the regime’s struggles to control a significant segment of the population via peaceful means.

According to Hesham Sellam, a fellow at Stanford University’s Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, “These are the actions of a security apparatus that has lost the capability, coherence, and discipline to contain its challengers through targeted repression, and institutional and legal engineering.” Sallam argues that state increasingly can only justify its existence at the end of the barrel or through the desperate propagation of incoherent, xenophobic and militant nationalism. If this continues, he explains further, the Egyptian state will inevitably fail to establish any semblance of control, which successive governments have tried to impose since the overthrow of Hosni Mubarak.

In the meantime, there is no sign that the regime can deliver the security or stability that is required to attract tourists and investors. Billions in Gulf aid money will not resolve Egypt’s structural tensions. Reducing a bloated bureaucracy, addressing the subsidies burden and solving rampant unemployment remain in the queue. Meanwhile, with half of Egypt’s population under the age of 25, there is a startling lack of opportunity for an emerging generation.

Egypt – politically, economically, and socially – cannot be saved through violent attack on dissenters, there is an urgent need for a broad political consensus to tackle longstanding crises.

Applying Arendt

Hannah Arendt’s understanding of violence can provide fundamental insights into the regime’s behaviour. In her 1972 work Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics; Civil Disobedience; On Violence; Thoughts on Politics and Revolution, Arendt points out that the rise of state violence is frequently connected to a decrease in substantive power as regimes mistakenly believe they can retain real control through violent measures (CR 184). Real and sustainable power arises when a concert of people get together in a space to exchange views. Thus, power arises through free choice. Violence sits outside the realm of legitimate politics. It is an expression of desperation. It renders speech, discussions and persuasion impossible, making support from the public harder to come by.

Although she argues against violence, Arendt made qualified exceptions. She makes a point in her 1963 book On Revolution that violence may be required in initiating a new beginning such as a revolution in order to secure freedom. Yet this contrasts with the negative role of violence – its suppression of freedom. Contrary to the popular view of a peaceful uprising, the 2011 Egyptian revolution saw violent conduct from many protestors. Police stations were burned to the ground and symbols of the state were attacked. These actions, among many, helped to alter the political dynamics in favour of the street, and as Conor Cruise O’Brien once stated, “Violence is sometimes needed for the voice of moderation to be heard.”

Still, violence, state or otherwise, should not be glorified. State violence makes holding order difficult in the long term. As the bloody crackdown launched by the Egyptian security forces demonstrates, violence makes the situation unpredictable and perilous; it also does not guarantee the intended outcome. Arendt has much to say about this too. She remarks, “The danger of violence, even if it moves consciously within a non-extremist framework of short-term goals, will always be that the means overwhelm the end (OR 177).” The problem is that Egypt has long moved beyond such a framework. The spread of pain and suffering is too widespread to manage or control.

Arendt stresses that violence cannot create power, it can only destroy power (CR 155), meaning that it only takes away the conditions in which power can exist, merely forcing a group to disperse. Yet it does not create power which relies on the number of individuals supporting a certain group. In light of this, violence does not require numbers; it requires implements, the tools of violence that multiplies human strength. Therefore power is “not confronted by men but by men’s artefacts” (CR 106). As such, violence is the poorest foundation for a new government.

Arendt uses the example of a disruption in a university class. If one student successfully disrupts the class by yelling or using violence, while all other students choose to carry on peacefully, this breakdown in the academic process would not be due to the disruptive student’s greater power, but rather due to the entire group of students’ choice not to exercise its power to overpower the student (CR 141). In the context of the Egyptian regime, security sector violence subdues the majority to cause it not to exercise its power.

A search for salvation   

To survive, a regime needs a genuine powerbase of believers (CR 149). This powerbase, at the moment, appears to be a large swathe of the Egyptian public cheering on the crackdowns and arrests, and adulating Field Marshal Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi as their messiah. Sisi does not want to become a dictator as much as the people want to make him one. Yet this base rests largely on a quickly hatched informal pact in which the instability-weary public surrenders democratic governance in exchange for security and economic progress. Neither is likely to eventuate, further entrenching the use of violence and consequently exacerbating the instability of the regime.

Arendt warns that violence, like any mode of action, can change the world, but alas, the most probable change is to a more violent world (OR 177). Yet as she notes in The Human Condition(1958), the unpredictability of political action and violence can be countered through promises and forgiveness to help stabilise action and provide healing. Making and keeping promises helps to give signals to the public about the future, ensuring steadfastness. Forgiveness tempers the irreversibility of violence by forgiving past mistakes (HC 241). An alternative to forgiveness is punishment, which involves reparations to rectify the original transgression and bring it to a close. This should not be confused with vengeance that reacts by perpetrating a mirror image of the original wrong.

Distressingly, the Egyptian story of the past three years has been anything but promise, forgiveness and punishment. Instead, it has been one of promises to elites, forgiveness for old regime figures, and punishment for those who criticise the established state chorus.

As elites seek to exhaust every polarising measure before arriving at the obvious station of compromise, Egypt’s road to progressive and inclusive politics is going to be stained red with calamity. In the absence of a visionary leadership, violence will likely continue unabated and further enflame the serious empathy drought in the public discourse.

The spectre of unpredictability, an important Arendtian theme, is another added challenge for the state. The 2011 Revolution brought a new beginning which opened up spaces in which individuals could share with one another their identity and engage in speech and action in which freedom and plurality materialised. It was a Pandora’s Box that unleashed a wave of political change that cannot tolerate the resurrection of Mubarak-style authoritarianism for the very reason that its foundational social contract is no longer feasible. In a paradoxical way, Egypt is a new Egypt even if it still looks like old Egypt.

It may be the case that Egypt’s move towards democracy will eventually happen because they will be left with no other choice as the tools of violence become blunted, but this will not be because the establishment will simply have a change of heart.

“To substitute violence for power can bring victory,” Arendt states, “but the price is very high; for it is not only paid by the vanquished but it is also paid by the victor” (CR 152).

The question now remains how high a price is Egypt’s regime willing to pay, and also how long the classroom will remain apathetic. A state is predictable, a revolution is not.